Origins of Violence - 2 

The trauma of patrism impedes normal biological development of the human infant and child. This is not comparable in other animals. This trauma even increases the mortality and morbidity of the infant and the mothers. Most patrist societies expressed, at some time, harsh psychopathological disorders which institutionalized the expression of murderous rage towards children and women. Ritual murder of children, widows, "witches", "prostitutes", and so on were not only socially acceptable but even expressed a deification of the most aggressive and sadistically cruel males in the form of totalitarianism or divine kingship. Some of today's cultures can be observed to express such conditions sometimes in a residual form, and these manifestations of patrism have distinct geographical connections.

Since the evidence is so strong that the patrist culture is not life-affirming and destructive one might wonder how such an evil social form might have started.

Patrism, with its great outpouring of violence toward infants, children, and women, which is passed from one generation to the next through painful and life-threatening social institutions, must have had specific times and places of origins among some, but not all of the earliest human societies. The assumed absence of an innate character to patrism, which derives from the chronic blocking, inhibition, and damming-up of biological urges, demands that this be so. Matrism, however, which springs from freely-expressed, unimpeded biological impulse, and which therefore is innate, would have been global in nature, ubiquitous among all of humankind at the earliest times. Indeed, natural selection would have favored matrism, given the fact that it does not generate the sadistic urges which lead to deadly violence toward women and children, nor does it disturb the emotional bonds between mothers and infants, which impart distinct psycho-physiological survival advantages.

Confirmation and support for the above assumptions and inferences exists in the geographical aspects of the global anthropological and archaeological data, and it was a central focus of my research to examine the spatial aspects of the facts and observations gathered by different field researchers. (3) For example, certain aspects of matrism and peaceful social conditions had previously been identified in the deepest archaeological layers of some regions, with demonstrated transitions toward more violent, male-dominated conditions in later years. While some researchers have either been unaware of these newer findings, have tended to ignore them, or have objected to their implications, a growing number of studies have demonstrated major social transitions in ancient times, from peaceful, democratic and egalitarian conditions, to violent, male-dominated, warlike conditions

The shift from matrism to patrism was found to have occurred within a short period of time and swept across a continent in just a few centuries. This transformation could be linked to specific Old World regions such as in North Africa, the Near East, and Central Asia, around 4000-3500 BCE in which major ecosystems collapsed from relatively wet to arid. "Severe drought and desertification has the potential to traumatically disrupt maternal-infant and male-female bonds, just as certainly as any harsh and painful patrist social institution." The social devastation of patrism rapidly appeared in regions of drought, desertification and famine.

Under the most severe famine conditions, husbands often leave their wives and children in search of food; they may or may not return. Starving children and elderly family members are eventually abandoned to struggle on their own, or to die. Children may form roving bands dedicated to stealing food, and the remaining social fabric may be utterly torn apart. The maternal-infant bond appears to endure the longest, but eventually starving mothers will also abandon their young.

When children are deprived of protein in their diet, clinical research has shown that the effects can be very traumatic. Symptoms of marasmus or kwashiorkor are dissociation with people and the environment and an impairment of mobility. The body and even the brain can stop growing. If the starvation continues, the child might never recover fully even after the proper nutrition is provided. Mild or even severe physical and emotional retardation may result. The effects are similar to maternal deprivation and isolation. Both children and adults afflicted with famine and starvation often lack emotional vitality and sexual energy which can also persist after the food supply is restored. Such traumas have profound, lifelong impact on emotional bonding with both mate and offspring.

DeMeo recognized that:

early matrist social bonds might have first been shattered among subsistence-level cultures which had survived the devastating effects of severe, sequential droughts, desertification, and prolonged famine. With the accumulative, generational disruption of maternal-infant and male-female social bonds by desertification, famine, starvation, and forced migrations, patrist attitudes, behaviors, and social institutions would develop and intensify, gradually replacing the older matrism. Patrism would have become fixed into the personality just as extremely dry desert conditions would have become fixed into the landscape. Once so fixed, patrism would remain with the afflicted people, irrespective of subsequent climate or food supply, given the behavior-affecting, self-duplicating character of social institutions. Patrism would thereafter appear in the moister regions of plenty by virtue of irruptions of migrating, warlike peoples from adjacent desert regions.

Having made the correlation of harsh desert environments and harsh patrist cultures it was possible to map a world wide geographical analysis identifying the initiation of the trauma in human culture  to explain the genesis of armoring posited by Wilhelm Reich.

DeMeo noted that the harshest patrist cultures lived in the desert although this was not exclusively so. He then systematically analyzed 1170 different cultures which confirmed the desert-patrist connection, but showed that the generalization didn't apply for all semiarid lands or even hyperarid deserts where food and water supplies could be obtained by making a short journey. Migrations could account for the appearance of patrist cultures in nearby wetland regions adjacent to the largest, most hyperarid deserts. 

Old World cultures were clearly more patrist than those in either Oceania or the New World. Furthermore, the area of most extreme patrism in the Old World is found in one large, contiguous swath, stretching across North Africa, the Near (Middle) East, and into Central Asia. Of major significance is the fact that this same geographical territory encompasses what is today the most intense, widespread, and hyperarid of desert environments found on Earth.

DeMeo gave the name Saharasia to this broad region of extreme climate and culture. Archaeological and paleoclimatic studies indicated that the great desert region of modern day Saharasia changed after c.4000-3000 BCE, from a semi-forested grassland savanna to an extremely dry and often vegetation-barren desert.

Prior to this dramatic climate change, the cultures were peaceful, unarmored, and matrist in character. DeMeo concluded that there no "clear, compelling or unambiguous evidence for the existence of patrism anywhere on Earth significantly prior to c.4000 BCE."  However, strong evidence for early matrist social conditions include honoring the dead of both men and women with artifacts that would connote wealth, statues of females that were sexually emotive, rock art and pottery with female themes of children, music and dance as well as the hunt.

As the matrist cultures developed their agrarian or trading societies were unfortified, echoing Reich's category of unarmored personality in Crete, the Indus Valley, and Central Asia. Unarmored matrism can also be inferred from the lack of archaeological evidence for chaos, warfare, sadism, and brutality. Artifacts which are associated with these characteristics did become evident in more recent layers after the area he calls "Saharasia" became desert:

This latter archaeological evidence includes: weapons of war; destruction layers in settlements; massive fortifications, temples, and tombs devoted to big-man rulers; infant cranial deformation; ritual murder of females in the tombs or graves of generally older men; ritual foundation sacrifices of children; mass or unkempt graves with mutilated bodies thrown in helter-skelter; and caste stratification, slavery, extreme social hierarchy, polygamy and concubinage, as determined from architecture, grave goods and other mortuary arrangements. Artwork style and subject matter of the later, dry periods also changes, to emphasize mounted warriors, horses, chariots, battles, and camels. Scenes of women, children, and daily life vanish. Naturalistic female statues and artwork simultaneously become abstract, unrealistic, or even fierce, losing their former gentle, nurturing, or erotic qualities; or they disappear entirely, to be replaced by statues of male gods or god-kings. Artwork quality as well as architectural styles decline for Old World sites at such times, to be followed in later years by monumental, warrior, and phallic motifs.

DeMeo acknowledges that he was "not the first to note the existence of cultural transitions in the archaeological and historical record, or to note the powerful effects of environmental change upon culture, to be sure.(5) However, my work was the first to simultaneously be global in scope, systematically derived, and both time- and location-specific."

Marked shifts in societies in the ruins of previously peaceful, matrist settlements along river valleys in Central Asia, Mesopotamia, and North Africa coincided with migration toward inhabited areas with secure water supplies such as at oases or on the banks of rivers. Lake levels and river beds of Central Asia also changed with the increasing aridity. The people abandoned large lakeshore or irrigated farming communities. Settlements what is now Egypt, Iraq, Syria as well as portions of Lebanon, Turkey, and Iran, were invaded and conquered by armored patrist societies abandoning Arabia and/or Central Asia. What emerged were despotic centralized states. Tombs, temples, and fortifications coincided with evidence for ritual widow murder, cranial deformations, artifacts that showed a focus on horse and camel, and growth of the military usually followed such invasions. With their growth in power, these despotic city-states expanded their territories sometimes subjugating the nomadic pastoral tribes still subsisting on the drying steppe or turning to the wetlands societies nearby to expand their territories. Even if they did not succeed in conquest the people attacked would begin to build fortifications and develop their own weaponry in self-defense. Along with their arming to defend themselves, they also had to abandon the unarmored psyche of their society to create a more armored world-view. As the Saharasian became increasingly arid, some of these despotic states eventually vanished.

Migrating out of the dry regions put the despotic patrist cultures into contact with the more peaceful matrist peoples of the moister borderlands of "Saharasia". Patrist societies then became established not by desertification or "famine trauma", but by killing the original matrist populations and replacing them, or by the forced adoption of new patrist social institutions introduced by the patrist conquerors. Europe was serially "invaded after c.4000 BCE by Battle-Axe peoples, Kurgans, Scythians, Sarmatians, Huns, Arabs, Mongols, and Turks." Each despotic, patrist society through its wars, conquests, and theft changed  Europe as its social institutions increasingly turned away from matrism towards patrism. The far western parts of Europe, notably Britain and Scandinavia developed patrist institutions much later and in a more dilute form than the Mediterranean cultures or Eastern Europe.

DeMeo wrote that:

Across the Old World, in the moister parts of China, peaceful matrist conditions likewise prevailed until the coming of the first extreme patrist Central Asian invaders, the Shang and Chou, after c.2000 BCE. Subsequent invasions by the Huns, Mongols and others would reinforce patrism in wetland China.  Japanese culture remained matrist a bit longer, given the isolating influence of the China Sea and Korean Strait, until the coming of the first invading patrist groups from the Asian mainland, such as the Yayoi, around c.1000 BCE. In South Asia, the peaceful, largely matrist settlements and trading states of the Indus River valley collapsed after c.1800 BCE, under the combined pressures of aridity and patrist warrior-nomad invaders from arid Central Asian lands. Patrism spread thereafter into India, and was intensified in later centuries by Hunnish, Arab, and Mongol invasions, which also came from Central Asia. Matrism similarly predominated in Southeast Asia until the onset of progressive patrist migrations and invasions, by both land and sea, from the patrist kingly states of China, India, Africa, and Islamic regions. In sub-Saharan Africa, available evidence suggests that patrism first appeared with the arrival of various southward-migrating peoples, around the time that North Africa dried up and was abandoned. Pharaonic Egyptian, Carthaginian, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Bantu, Arab, Turkish, and Colonial European influences also increased African patrism in later years.

At this point Dr. DeMeo leaves his readers with potent evidence to vilify and demonize the Arab populations of Palestine and the Muslim Middle East. He fails to note the Turkic-Asiatic origins of the Khazars or their adoption of Talmudism as their national religion. Their adoption of the pharisaic Talmudism fit with their ritual circumcision and war-like institutions from Central Asia. On his website he offers information about the Israeli-Palestinian struggle without noting the patrist society from which the dominant faction, the Ashkenazim, is derived. The Ashkenazim are the so-called Jews whose heritage is that of the Khazarians from Central Asia.

Although Dr. DeMeo's research has elucidated the origins of violence, missing the Khazarian origins of modern Israel, he places the burden of patrism on Palestinians and Muslims without recognizing the significance of his work in shedding light on Jews, and especially on the political form, Zionism. His book offers many eye-opening revelations about the origin of violent, abusive behavior in human culture but in the end his analysis is bent toward support for the most insidious, most racist and abusive culture, the culture of Zionism.

Except for this oversight, Dr. DeMeo has provided valuable insights into the origin of violence which leaves clues on how humans can find their way back to peace and harmony, to regain the Original Instructions. His book, Saharasia, can provide a way to find our way back to the treasures we have lost along the trail.